“Bertolt Brecht before the Committee on Un-American
Activities”
Folkways
1963
OK, not the catchiest title. However, if you learn the
context behind this recording, it becomes a riveting piece of theater, one
composed on the fly by the master playwright Brecht himself – under the threat
of imprisonment and deportation.
Bertolt Brecht is the one of the most influential
playwrights and poets of the 20th century. Coming of age in chaotic Weimar
Germany of the 1920s, he began his career as a balladeer and cabaret performer
of anarchist bent. Beginning in 1926, his study of Marx and socialism led him
to develop stunning works that eviscerated the capitalist system and what we
now term the military/industrial complex – in plays such as “The Threepenny
Opera,” “Mahagonny,” and “Mother Courage.” He also worked with writing
collectives to create a didactic “teaching theater” that would hasten a
people’s revolution, preferably a Communist one.
Of course, Hitler didn’t like this at all. In February 1933,
Brecht began his long hopscotching exile from Germany, settling first in
Denmark and then, as German troops moved closer, to America. From 1941 through
1947 Brecht joined the American colony of European writers and artists
dispossessed by the Nazis. During his time in New York and Los Angeles, he became
familiar with prominent American theater and film people. He wrote “Galileo”
for Charles Laughton, and penned the screenplay for “Hangmen Also Die!”, a
thriller based on the assassination of fearsome Nazi Reinhard Heydrich in 1942.
Unfortunately, Brecht made the American government just as
nervous as the Nazi government. The FBI began tracking his movements and
monitoring his phone calls and mail almost from the moment he landed. His open
Marxist leanings, along with his friendships and collaborations with numerous
Communist artists (most notably the composer Hanns Eisler) left him open to
scrutiny. On Sept. 19, 1947, he was subpoenaed to appear before the House
Un-American Activities Committee, along with 18 other writers, directors, and
performers who were tarred with the brush of association with “Communist
influence.”
Brecht was the only non-American named; as a resident alien
his legal status was somewhat more secure than his uniformly uncooperative,
combative fellows. They could be jailed up to a year for contempt of Congress
(and were – Dalton Trumbo yelled, as he was hauled out of the hearing, “This is
the beginning of an American concentration camp!”); Brecht could only be
deported – but could be held indefinitely before that happened. Not wanting to
lose his freedom, Brecht planned and rehearsed his appearance with his lawyers.
Finally, on Oct. 30, he went in front of the Committee, five newsreel cameras,
and a host of microphones.
The key to his strategy was to appear as cooperative as
possible, while not admitting anything that might get him in trouble. Unlike
many idealists of the time, Brecht had a strong pragmatic streak. He didn’t
believe in martyrdom – at least, not as far as he himself was concerned. He
played the language barrier for all it was worth, engaging a translator when he
did not really need one. He even resolved to smoke cigars throughout the
hearing – giving him a chance to delay his responses and inflect his timing,
much in the style of George Burns, Groucho Marx, and other cheroot-wielding
comics.
The recording, produced in the spring of 1963, is narrated
by Brecht champion and translator Eric Bentley, whose learned interpolations
add much. He sets the scene and explains much of the texts and individuals
referred to by Brecht’s questioners.
What follows is what Bentley terms a “Brechtian tragicomedy”;
James K. Lyon in his book “Brecht in America” calls it simply “a polite exercise
in cunning and duplicity that lasted a full hour.”
Chief Investigator Robert E. Stripling’s harsh, nasal
Southern twang dominates. Brecht, in contrast, is halting, seems shy, sometimes
plaintive – but level-headed and seemingly cooperative and detailed in
response.
To demonstrate the conceptual gap here, Stripling asks
Brecht what he does for a living.
“I am a playwright and a poet,” Brecht answers.
Without a pause, Stripling asks, “Where are you presently
employed?”
It’s like listening to Bugs Bunny being grilled by a panel
of Elmer Fudds, to the amusement of the live studio audience. (The repeated
laughter of the crowd in the hearing room gives the whole affair an unreal
comic sheen.)
When asked, Brecht says, “I am a guest in this country and
do not want to enter into any legal arguments so I will answer your question
fully as well I can. I was not a member or am not a member of any Communist
party.” Now this, ironically, is certainly true – our ever-clever friend never
officially joined the Communist Party.
“Is it true that you have written a number of very
revolutionary poems, plays, and other writings?”
Brecht characterizes his works as anti-Fascist, not
pro-Communist.
He is asked if he knows composer Hanns Eisler. Brecht’s
friend and collaborator of 20 years, like him a refugee from Hitler in America,
is at the very time Brecht is speaking, under arrest, awaiting his deportation
hearing for Communist leanings (Eisler’s brother Gerhart was head of Germany’s Weimar-era
Communists, and supposedly ran the American Communist effort during and after
the Second World War.) Brecht knows all this. He minimizes his connection to
Eisler.
The hollow drawl of Stripling drives on, as Brecht calmly sidesteps.
Stripling addresses Brecht’s 1930 cantata with Eisler “The Measures Taken” -- a
rigidly doctrinaire play that endorses political murder in the name of international
Communism. Brecht equivocates (in fact he and his heirs denied permission to
perform the play until 1997, which indicates some distaste for it).
Stripling begins to read from a translation, a riot in
itself to hear:
“My heart is beating for the revolution
The witnessing of wrongdoing drove me into the lines of the
fighting
Man must help man
I am for freedom
I believe in mankind
And I am for the rules of the Communist Party
Which fights for the classless society”
Brecht fobs it off as a bad translation.
The questioning runs out of steam, despite a few more
sallies by Stripling. Brecht is commended for his forthrightness.
“You’re a good example” to the other witnesses, he is told,
and dismissed. He leaves. Less than 24 hours later, he is on a flight to
Europe. He would never return to the U.S.
Bentley states that Brecht kept a recording of the
proceedings and would play it for laughs. Of the Committee, Brecht said, “They weren’t
as bad as the Nazis. The Nazis would never have let me smoke.”
No matter how lightly Brecht played it later, it could not
have been less than a harrowing experience for him. Like so many of his bitter,
clever heroes and heroines, Brecht had dreams for mankind but saw all too
clearly how the world goes. In this most real piece of political theater, he
kept his freedom, didn’t rat out his friends, and glibly deceived the U.S.
Congress in a language not his own.
Brecht, Eisler and others constantly found themselves on the
outs – in Nazi Germany, in supposedly democratic America . . . finally, even in
Communist East Germany, where they grew disaffected from the revolution they
helped make. Whether the artistic person is fated always to end up in this
position is another story entirely. Meanwhile, Brecht’s victory on this recording
is little but profound.
[A personal note: I first heard this on vinyl at my friend B's house in Kansas City in '80 or '81. He was a crazy artist, and when we weren't pulling tubes and checking out the Buddhist art at the Nelson, we were bandying socialist concepts. That young-adult glee at the prospect of a trickster outfoxing the Man was intoxicating.]
